The Construction of Legitimacy and Social Capital of Political Activists in the Digital Era

At the digital era, political participation undergoes a profound transformation, notably through the growing use of digital social networks, now RSN, including Facebook. These digital platforms go beyond their function as simple communication tools to become alternative spaces for debate, participation and social legitimation. (Merah, 2016) In these discursive spaces political activists interact, construct and assert their legitimacy by strengthening their social capital within an online community. This dynamic interactivity raises new questions regarding the management of activists' digital identity, the influence of algorithms on the formation of public opinion, and the role of activists as producers and disseminators of information and discourse.

In this context, the quest for legitimacy becomes a central issue for activists who engage in online political participation. To influence and mobilize effectively, they strive to be, not only, visible and active on a complex platform such as Facebook, but also to be perceived as legitimate by their peers, their opponents and the public. Inspired by the pioneering work of Max Weber on types of legitimate domination (Weber, 2014), yet, in the digital space, this legitimacy tends to operate in a more unstable mode: it is built through continuous adjustments, verified in the moment, and sometimes weakens at the same speed at which it is constituted. Militant legitimacy thus becomes less a durable attribute than a precarious balance, constantly reworked by the circulation of signs, the competition of narratives, and the challenges of visibility.

The digital realm is therefore not only a space of emancipation; it is also an arena of symbolic competition, where one can gain audience while losing security, stability or the ability to control one's own diffusion conditions, under the influence of exposure, surveillance and regulation logics inherent to platforms. And this is undoubtedly one of the most concrete points for thinking about political action today: access to speech is no longer played only through institutional authorization; it also plays out in the capacity to maintain a lasting presence, to accept conflict, to master exposure rhythms, and, more broadly, to endure the ordinary uncertainties imposed by the platform environment (Merah et al., 2021).

Through this quest for legitimacy, the analysis of activists' digital identity also reveals the need to invoke the notion of symbolic capital. This notion proves essential to understand how these actors acquire and maintain their recognition by members of online communities via the RSN. This symbolic capital, just like legitimacy, is influenced by dynamics inherent to digital platforms, built through constant engagement and the interactions of each activist with their audience. Long before the invention of the RSN, (Bourdieu, 1986) proposed a framework that illuminates how legitimacy, akin to social capital, is constituted and preserved within the social dynamics. Evolving in an environment where their actions and discourse are constantly scrutinized, activists must adjust their image and interactions to maintain this legitimacy. This process is made even more delicate by the performative nature of online interactions, as already described by (Goffman, 1959) who posits that every social interaction is a form of performance where individuals control the impression they give to others. These digital devices also enable the formation of different types of social capital, as described by (Putnam, 2000): Bonding Social Capital (bonding social capital) strengthens close ties within homogeneous communities, while Bridging Social Capital (bridging social capital) creates diversified connections among individuals from different backgrounds. However, we could not fully grasp this perspective without referring to the analysis of (Mésangeau, 2021), which aims to illuminate how interactions within a digital community can not only reflect but also reconfigure the various forms of social capital, thereby significantly influencing the positioning and perception of activists. Yet, Mésangeau also highlights the inherent limits of the traditional dualism of social ties, which reduces them to expressive (affective) or instrumental (utilitarian) categories. He proposes integrating the notion of (latent tie) to go beyond this dichotomy. This concept, initially formulated by (Haythornthwaite, 2002), designates digital relationships that are inactive but technically activatable at any time. These latent ties, particularly frequent on RSN, allow individuals to maintain a form of pending connection without immediate commitment. They constitute a relational modality specific to digital environments and reveal a plasticity of social ties that escapes traditional theoretical frameworks. Thus, by recognizing this third category, it becomes possible to update the analysis of digital social capital and enrich our understanding of relational dynamics specific to digital social networks. However, our research revealed another influential technical vector: the algorithms of RSN, notably Facebook, which create filter bubbles. These algorithms tend to reinforce users' preexisting convictions by exposing them primarily to similar content, while also creating a biased reality by repeatedly confronting them with opposing perspectives. The concept of filter bubbles, introduced by (Pariser, 2011), complicates this dynamic by personalizing content, thereby creating homogeneous informational environments, often referred to as “echo chambers”(Flaxman et al., 2016). This repeated exposure to contrary perspectives, often amplified by trolls and disinformation campaigns (Bradshaw & Howard, 2017), can weaken the legitimacy and social capital of activists by creating a perceived reality where they feel isolated or in the minority. (Marwick & Lewis, 2017) note that, although dialogue with divergent opinions can be enriching, the amplification of these contradictions by malicious actors represents a significant risk. (Sunstein, 2009) also points out that algorithmic personalization can limit exposure to a diversity of perspectives, trapping users in parallel realities that weaken public debate and social cohesion. It is in this context that the analysis of public opinion in the digital age takes on a new dimension. The algorithms of platforms like Facebook play a decisive role in how this opinion is constructed and influenced.

(Righi, K., & Fellag, C. S. (2022). The activist, evolving within these digital dynamics, is not only a passive receiver but also a producer and disseminator of ideas. According to (Touraine, 1984) and (Melucci, 1996), the activist actively participates in social transformation by mobilizing groups around innovative projects. This role goes beyond the simple transmission of messages; it involves a constant reinterpretation of ideas to align them with the social realities the activist seeks to influence. (Snow, 2001) note that the ability to construct coherent interpretive frames is essential to convince and mobilize within public arenas. This illustrates how the activist actively contributes to the construction and diffusion of narratives on digital platforms such as Facebook. Within the framework of online participation and the quest for legitimacy, the digital identity of activists emerges as a process of constant negotiation. (Castells, 2010) highlights how this identity is continuously reconfigured by online interactions, where the expectations of others and social dynamics influence the perception activists have of themselves and that others have of them. (Georges, 2009; Papacharissi, 2011) deepen this analysis by referring to the different facets of digital identity, notably how users present themselves (declarative identity), interact (acting identity), and are perceived (calculated identity) online. (Giddens, 1991) adds that the construction of identity becomes even more complex in modernity, where individuals are confronted with contradictory information flows. Thus, this article proposes to examine how activists of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) build their legitimacy and their social capital through their online participation, while navigating a digital environment shaped by algorithmic dynamics and interpretive frameworks they themselves help establish. The research interrogates the interactions of activists on digital platforms, the management of their identity, and the impact of these technical and algorithmic dynamics on their perception of public opinion. Our main question: How do activists of the Algerian political party, the Front of Socialist Forces, FFS, build their legitimacy and their social capital through their online participation on Facebook? To do so, we have split it into two secondary questions 1. How do FFS activists adapt their digital identity to strengthen their legitimacy and their social capital during their online political participation? 2. How do filter bubbles created by algorithms influence the perception and apprehension of public opinion? From this problem statement we formulate the following hypotheses to guide our research 1. FFS activists build their online legitimacy by simultaneously responding to the expectations of the party and of citizens through the adoption of a participation strategy on Facebook. The first hypothesis suggests that activists' legitimacy is linked to their ability to navigate between the contradictory expectations of the party and those of the public, and that this legitimacy directly contributes to their social capital.

2. Digital filter bubbles can both reinforce activists' pre‑existing convictions and create a biased public opinion when they are exposed to contrary perspectives, which may weaken their political engagement. The second hypothesis highlights the risk that activists, by actively seeking divergent opinions, end up believing that the majority is against their convictions, which can weaken their online engagement.

In this research, we adopted a methodological approach adapted from semi‑structured interviews and the analysis of written digital content, namely posts and comments. That is why we also employed digital trace analysis and the method of the commented walk‑through. These methodological choices are motivated by the need to understand both the perceptions of activists and their digital practices.

Our interview guide1 consists of three complementary themes that were chosen to allow an in‑depth exploration of activists' personal experiences while leaving some flexibility in the answers in order to foster a balance between structure and spontaneity, namely;

- Theme 1 – Digital identity: Questions about how activists present themselves online, manage their public image and interact with their network.

- Theme 2 – Online legitimacy: Exploration of the strategies used to strengthen their legitimacy with peers, the party and the public.

- Theme 3 – Filter bubbles and algorithms: Questions about their perception of the impact of algorithms on their visibility and on the formation of public opinion.

In the framework of our study, we focus on a specific group: the FFS activists active on Facebook affiliated with the Federation of the Wilaya of Béjaïa; the study will also involve officials within this federation as well as members of the National Council of the FFS. Indeed, since the study population, in qualitative research, designates the specific group of individuals or entities that the researcher wishes to understand. - Affiliation to the FFS: We concentrate on individuals associated with the FFS. - Activity on Facebook: Our exploration centered on activists showing a notable online presence on this network. This approach began with direct observation on Facebook, where we interacted with activists demonstrating particular vigor, especially following the 2021 local elections (APC/APW). This approach was completed by our personal knowledge of certain activists recognized for their activism on the social network Facebook. Table 1: Personal information of the subjects

1 - Given the sensitivity of certain statements related to the internal current affairs of the political party, we obtained the informed and explicit consent of the respondents.

The table highlights the sociodemographic characteristics, political statuses and the use of social networks by activists of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS). In the context of this research, the absence of women among the activists studied should not be interpreted as a simple reproduction of male domination reports, but as a direct consequence of the methodological criteria adopted. Indeed, the reasoned choice selection method, privileged in this study, relies on a recommendation process where no interviewed subject directed toward a female activist. This observation reflects not only a specific organizational reality of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS), but also social dynamics specific to the local context. Louiza Ait Hamadouche, in, (In Algeria, the inclusion of women in politics remains selective, n.d.) (voaafrique, 2021) analyzes the selective inclusion of women in politics in Algeria and shows that, despite legislative advances such as quotas, women often remain absent from decision‑making positions or invisible in representation processes within political parties. Indeed, this absence can be explained by several factors. On the one hand, it could reflect lower visibility or participation of women in local or digital activist spheres, which limits their integration into recommendation networks. On the other hand, it highlights how social networks and activist interactions are structured by relational logics where male figures seem more prominently highlighted. This does not necessarily mean that women are absent from activism within the FFS, but rather that they are not perceived as central or representative figures by the other activists interviewed.

The table reveals a generational diversity with an average age of 43.2 years. Young adults (30‑35 years) represent 60 % of members, while seniors (53‑63 years) hold prestigious positions such as "Former Mayor" or "Elected APW". This intergenerational distribution illustrates an attempt to balance political experience and generational renewal. The statuses within the party show a clear hierarchy. Former mayors and regional elected officials embody institutional legitimacy founded on experience and local anchoring. Conversely, young APC elected officials or local managers reflect an upward dynamic, but their legitimacy remains to be consolidated, notably through their online visibility. This statutory diversity reflects the importance of combining symbolic capital (experience) and social capital (networks) to maintain internal cohesion while meeting external expectations.

This differentiated use of Facebook by our respondents highlights two main types of digital strategies among activists:

a. Institutional strategy: The activists of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) who manage Facebook pages dedicated to the party adopt an institutional strategy that goes beyond simple information dissemination. This approach, as highlighted by (M, 2024), is based on collective and rigorous management of publications, where each content piece is submitted for prior approval by members of the local section and, in some cases, by federal party cadres. This methodology aims to ensure the coherence of the political message while strengthening internal links among activists. By acting thus, these activists position themselves as essential institutional relays, consolidating what (Putnam, 2000) designates as bonding social capital, i.e., the close ties within a homogeneous community.

This institutional strategy plays a key role in the legitimization of activists online. By centralizing and validating the published content, they embody a recognized authority within their activist network, which strengthens their symbolic capital (Bourdieu P. (., 1986). This legitimization process also relies on the interactivity enabled by Facebook, where posts become spaces for exchange and mobilization. For example, the comments and shares allow activists to measure the impact of their actions and adjust their messages according to the expectations of their audience.

Moreover, this institutional strategy contributes to defining a new type of digital activism. (Guenana, 2024) qualifies these activists active on social networks as "super-activists", highlighting their important role in defending the party's principles and objectives. These actors do not merely relay information: they actively participate in the construction of a collective discourse that strengthens internal cohesion while projecting a strong and coherent image outward.

Indeed, the management of a Facebook page dedicated to the party illustrates a sophisticated institutional strategy that combines organizational rigor, collective engagement and digital performativity (Goffman, 1959.) These practices enable activists to strengthen their legitimacy and their social capital while adapting to the dynamics specific to digital platforms.

b. Personalized strategy: Activists who adopt a personalized strategy on Facebook, as shown by (Said.B, 2024) in the table, combine political engagement and sharing of varied content, mixing partisan posts with personal or general themes. This hybrid approach allows them to go beyond traditional activist circles by reaching a broader public, thus favoring what (Putnam, 2000) designates as bridging social capital (capital social de pontage), i.e., the creation of diversified connections among individuals from different backgrounds. By publishing content that is not strictly limited to the party agenda, these activists expand their audience and strengthen their visibility. For example, (Said.B, 2024), by managing both a page dedicated to the Front of Socialist Forces and a page with diversified content, illustrates this ability to adapt his digital identity to meet the varied expectations of his network. This diversification of content contributes to humanizing the activist’s image while making his political engagement more accessible and attractive to audiences outside the partisan circle. This is what we will discuss in the next heading. (A multiplicity of identities for a unique influence). Indeed, the personalized strategy adopted by certain Front of Socialist Forces activists illustrates an adaptation to the contemporary demands of digital activism. It allows not only to broaden their audience but also to strengthen their legitimacy online as political actors capable of interacting with varied publics. This approach underscores the growing importance of digital identity in the construction of the social and symbolic capital of activists engaged on social networks.

The integration of the variable "Facebook Account" in this analysis reveals that although all studied activists use this platform, their strategies differ significantly. Some favor an institutional approach centered on the party, while a more personalized or diversified use allows others to broaden their audience. These practices reflect a partial adaptation to contemporary digital dynamics, where the quest for legitimacy passes as much through the management of one's digital identity as through the diversification of shared content. For the Front of Socialist Forces, these observations highlight the importance of a collective digital strategy aimed at harmonizing these uses while strengthening the party's overall visibility on Facebook.

(Georges, 2009) Highlights that digital identity is composed of three dimensions: declarative identity, acting identity, and calculated identity. These dimensions allow users to navigate among different facets of their online identity depending on contexts and pursued objectives. In the case of (Said.B, 2024), this structuring is particularly visible in his strategy of managing three distinct Facebook pages. Said first manages his personal account; he created his personal Facebook account in March 2011, in the midst of political and social upheavals across the Arab world, coinciding with the Arab Spring revolutions. The creation of his Facebook account was motivated by purely political reasons. Said sought to use social networks as a platform for activism to criticize the Bouteflika regime and give his viewpoint on various political and social issues in Algeria. From the start, his Facebook posts were essentially focused on personal political analyses, while remaining faithful to the principles of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS), even during periods of disagreement with certain party decisions. It is on this account that his declarative identity manifests the most, with a constant stance and a marked presence on social networks since 2011, to the point of being nicknamed Said FFS, according to him. Then, he manages a page dedicated to the FFS section of his Commune. On this page, his acting identity is reflected in purely political and activist posts, where he relays party activities, local and national events, and his own interventions as section coordinator. On this page alone, the militants and members of the local and national leadership who know his Main Admin aim to strengthen the engagement of local militants and ensure greater visibility of engagement within his party while projecting the official image of the FFS in his region. Likewise, he administers the page "Sa Commune Sois l'Observateur", a platform with apolitical content where he deals with everyday citizen affairs, such as local issues. By managing this page, he seeks to broaden his audience and establish a more intimate connection with citizens not politically engaged. He even creates free advertisements for local businesses there, a strategy that reinforces his social capital in the region. Said deliberately avoids publishing political content on this page, thus creating a gathering space "it is a gathering page (Said.B, 2024) and inclusive, faithful to a logic of proximity with the community. In addition to these three distinct identities, Said proposed to the FFS leadership an innovative idea: to create a Facebook channel through a new page that would not bear the FFS name, but would aim to attract a broad audience while involving party cadres, such as young socialist activists. This proposal aims to unify the different currents of the party and develop a massive communication strategy, while remaining anchored in the values of the FFS, but without the usual partisan labels. Indeed, this multi-faceted management of his digital identity shows a developed strategic approach. Said tries to adapt to the different audiences he wishes to reach, whether as a political activist, local figure, or social actor in his community. By combining these different dimensions of his identity, he manages to maximize his influence and strengthen his role as a leader in varied contexts, while consolidating his social capital and legitimacy within the party and beyond. In other words, the strategic management of multiple digital identities by Said illustrates a sophisticated understanding of legitimation issues in the digital political space. By skillfully navigating between the expectations of the party and those of civil society, Said manages to consolidate his legitimacy at several levels, thereby strengthening his overall symbolic capital. Consequently, within the party, Said cultivates partisan legitimacy through his visible engagement on the official FFS page and his personal account. This constant digital presence, consistent with the party's values, allows him to position himself as a key actor within the organization. "[…I have become an important activist in the eyes of party officials]; says Said. This form of engagement contributes to what (Bourdieu, 1986) would call objectified cultural capital, reinforcing his position and influence within partisan structures. Simultaneously, this interface role reinforces what Putnam designates as "bridging social capital", creating links between usually distinct social groups and thus increasing Said's reach and influence beyond activist circles. This multi-faceted strategy enables Said to accumulate what Bourdieu would name a diversified "symbolic capital", recognized and validated by different social groups. The legitimacy thus constructed is not monolithic, but plural and adaptive, reflecting the complexity of social and political interactions in the digital age. By orchestrating these different dimensions of his online presence, Said manages to transcend traditional boundaries of activism, embodying a new model of political engagement capable of resonating with the diversified expectations of a networked society.

Indeed, this fear is not linked to a physical threat but to a symbolic sanction that could damage the reputation or social capital of the activist concerned. According to (Bourdieu, 1986), this fear reflects a struggle for symbolic capital, where recognition and legitimacy depend on the judgments made by others.

The participation of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) in elections places its activists in an ambivalent position. (M. K, 2024)…. And the others, they must simultaneously defend the party’s strategic choices while responding to criticisms from a public opinion that perceives this participation as a compromise. In this context, activists strive to build a social capital that allows them to navigate these contradictory expectations.

- By strengthening their ties with party members through posts that highlight local and national activities.

- By expanding their audience beyond the activist circle by adopting an inclusive stance on certain digital platforms.

Faced with the fear of being criticized or stigmatized online, activists develop adaptation strategies to maintain their engagement while minimizing the risks associated with public exposure. (Said. B, 2024) illustrates this resilience by choosing to avoid polarizing political content on certain public pages such as "Sa commune Soi l’Observateur". On this apolitical platform, which mainly deals with non-partisan local issues, they thereby strengthen their social capital among citizens who are not politically engaged.

(Said.B, 2024), inspired by a historical anecdote about the perseverance of a PPA activist during colonialism, applies the same resilience to his online engagement. Even when he faces negative reactions or a lack of visible support on Facebook, Said continues to use the identification feature to publicly display his alliances and his support for the principles of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS). This persistence is essential to maintain the continuity of his engagement and to gradually build a solid support base. The story of the PPA (Parti du Peuple Algérien) activist mentioned in the interview of (Said.B, 2024) refers to an anecdote that takes place during the colonial period, before 1954. Said recounts that a PPA activist went every week to a remote village in his region, where civic and political consciousness was almost nonexistent. This activist walked through the village’s alleys delivering speeches or proverbs to raise citizens’ awareness. The initial response of the inhabitants, according to Said, was violent: they spat on him. Despite this, the activist returned each week, persisting in his mission. Over time, his efforts eventually bore fruit, and the village as a whole eventually joined the PPA cause. It is through this anecdote that (Said.B, 2024) perceives his online engagement on Facebook, comparing it to the persistent engagement of the PPA activist. For him, online engagement on social networks, despite attacks and criticisms, must be supported with the same perseverance as that of the PPA activist. Just as the latter returned each week despite violent reactions, Said believes he must continue to defend his party’s positions and influence public opinion on Facebook, even when facing mockery or opposition. (Said.B, 2024) therefore sees online engagement as a long‑haul process, where activists must keep promoting their ideas even in difficult contexts. His use of Facebook, marked by political posts and direct interventions, aims to convince and mobilize opinion, while recognizing that this type of engagement requires consistency and a thoughtful strategy. Indeed, from this perspective, we have highlighted the importance of strategic management of digital identity and social capital in contemporary activism.

This view also underscores the necessity for the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) to support its activists in this complex quest for legitimacy so that they can participate effectively in a digital environment marked by growing social and political tensions.

During my interviews, it emerged that all the activists interviewed are unaware of the algorithmic logic that structures online interactions. When I asked them the question "What do you say about filter bubbles?" – specifying that it refers to algorithms that personalize online content and create environments where users are mainly exposed to information that reinforces their existing beliefs – none of the respondents could describe or explain this algorithmic logic. Moreover, to the question "Do you feel that some content is more favored by the algorithm? If so, which ones and why?", the answers revealed a widespread ignorance of the algorithmic functioning that underlies digital platforms. This ignorance of the algorithmic logic is nevertheless decisive for understanding how opinions are formed in the digital age. The algorithms of platforms such as Facebook, while invisible to most users, profoundly influence how content is disseminated and perceived. These algorithms, by maximizing engagement, promote the emergence of filter bubbles (Pariser, 2011). This personalization, often imperceptible to the activists themselves, creates echo chambers (Flaxman, (2016)) that limit the diversity of viewpoints, thereby preventing confrontation with divergent opinions. As we explained in the chapter (problematization). However, this algorithmic dynamic is not limited to the amplification of shared opinions. In the context of online polarization dynamics, the work of (Sunstein, 2009) highlights a paradoxical phenomenon: activists, far from being systematically confined in echo chambers, can find themselves exposed to perspectives diametrically opposed to their own. This exposure, often amplified by social‑media algorithms, can have unexpected effects on their political convictions. The testimony of (Said.B, 2024) strikingly illustrates this phenomenon. He recounts a period when, following pro‑communist pages on Facebook, he was deeply influenced by their discourse and online interaction modes. This immersion in an ideological universe different from his own was so intense that it led him to consider leaving his original political party to join the opposite camp. This particular case raises crucial questions about the malleability of political affiliations in the digital age and about the role of social‑media platforms in the formation and transformation of political opinions. It highlights the complexity of online political socialisation processes, where exposure to contradictory ideas can sometimes, contrary to expectations, lead to a profound questioning of pre‑existing convictions rather than to a reinforcement of them. This phenomenon invites a reconsideration of classic theories on political polarization and a deep re‑examination of the mechanisms by which online engagement can influence activist trajectories. These repeated contradictions can weaken their commitment, especially when they feel isolated or in the minority facing opposing opinions. This situation, exacerbated by disinformation campaigns or targeted attacks (Marwick & Lewis, 2017), can generate significant psychological pressure. mechanisms by which online engagement can influence activist trajectories. These repeated contradictions can weaken their commitment, especially when they feel isolated or in the minority facing opposing opinions. This situation, exacerbated by disinformation campaigns or targeted attacks (Marwick & Lewis, 2017), can generate significant psychological pressure.

This study on the political participation of activists of the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) in Algeria highlights both the challenges and the opportunities linked to political engagement in a digital context. The analysis of these activists' online practices reveals a complex dynamic that intertwines the construction of political legitimacy, the management of digital identity, and the influence of algorithms on the perception of public opinion.

This research first underscores the importance of appropriate management of digital identity for political activists. The diversification of shared content as well as the adjustment of communication strategies according to platforms and audiences reflect a growing sophistication of digital practices. This adaptability demonstrates an implicit understanding of the requirements of digital social capital, where legitimacy is built through a plurality of identities and interactions.

The study also highlights the constant tension between partisan expectations and those of a critical public opinion. In a polarized political context, activists navigate between these two poles by adopting nuanced communication strategies to maintain their legitimacy while avoiding marginalisation. This delicate form of participation illustrates the specific challenges posed by digital activism in a complex social and political environment.

The research further reveals a manifest lack of awareness of algorithmic dynamics among the interviewed activists. This gap limits their ability to grasp the underlying mechanisms of filter bubbles and echo chambers, which nevertheless decisively influence opinion formation and the effectiveness of online mobilisations. This finding argues for strengthening digital literacy within political organisations to promote a more strategic and informed use of digital tools.

The study finally highlights the paradox of digital engagement. While social platforms offer unprecedented opportunities for mobilization and the dissemination of political ideas, they also create environments where convictions can either be reinforced or profoundly challenged due to exposure to contradictory perspectives. This phenomenon invites a reconsideration of certain classic theories concerning the formation and evolution of political opinions.

Although qualitative in nature, our study offers analyses transferable to similar contexts, in line with the validity criteria for qualitative research as formulated by (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). However, certain limitations should be noted. The selection of participants, although part of an exploratory approach, could be broadened to include a greater diversity of activist trajectories. Likewise, the specificity of the Algerian context calls for caution in generalizing the results, even if some observed trends may resonate with other activist experiences in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian contexts.

The findings open several avenues for research. One first direction would be to deepen the articulation between individual digital strategies and the collective strategies of political parties by examining how these organisations integrate—or not—the use of digital platforms into their internal structuring. Another relevant line would lie in analysing the training and support mechanisms for activists to master digital tools and algorithmic logics. Finally, a comparative approach with other parties in Algeria or internationally would allow an assessment of the extent to which the observed dynamics are specific to the Front of Socialist Forces (FFS) or reflect broader trends affecting political activism in the digital age.